Marketing Communication and Branding Essay Example for Free

Marketing Communication and Branding Essay Introduction After careful market research of some of the different phone markets in today’s industry; the market that was the most interest to the writer was the disability phone market. Of all the mobile phones researched, none were found to have Braille included; only speaking activated commands designed to send text messages as well as calling. The idea the writer proposes is a phone for the visually impaired which has a sole purpose for calling people. The keys will be fitted with Braille so that the individuals are able to effectively feel what number they are pressing. SOSTAC Situation Analysis Upon research it was found the size of the disability phone market is small in comparison to others, such as android where there are thousands of brands available. Around 360,000 people are registered blind or partially sighted in the UK (Action for Blind People, 2011), showing that, with the assumption that everyone needs a mobile phone in today’s society, the key segments that this brand will relate to are the 360,000 potential customers within the visual impairment mobile phone market. The key competing brands include Doro, an established competitor who supply a range of mobile phones for the disabled. They supply too many online retailers, ranging from handheld mobile phone to home landlines. Alternatively, Amplicom is another competitor who develops mobiles with large buttons, aimed at the visually impaired market. These competitors will be the toughest to compete with due to their experience and current market share; a large investment and money will be required to make sure that the proposed brand can gain a decent amount of market share. Porter’s five forces is an appropriate model which can be related to overcome such competition, due to its ability to â€Å"evaluate entry barriers, suppliers, customers, substitute products and industry rivalry† (Freitag, 2005). Furthermore Porter’s five forces can determine what the current market is for the brand, as well as the outlining any existing competitor’s positions in relation to the developing product. Moreover, it can also show how a firm’s stakeholders can influence the company with the use of bargaining power (Chee and Harris, 1998). This  information would be vital to obtain prior to the launch of the brand to reduce the chance of product failure. The macro-environmental factors will be implemented to the brand through PEST analysis; Political, Economical, Situational and Technological. Political factors which relate appropriately to the disability mobile phone market include the strict laws on the disposal of production materials such as batteries and any forms of radioactive waste, as well as any compulsory health and safety procedures during the production and contribution of the developing products. Breaking these rules could result in heavy penalties including fines and even the termination of the company in severe cases. Suitable economic factors include the assessment of the current poor financial climate. This leads to the assumption that it is currently not attractive to place investments as money is generally tight for most, reducing the overall customer base for the developing product. Example solutions for this could include enticing consumers with bargain phone prices or even reduced fixed monthly contract payments which will include a suitable amount of minutes for the target segment. Furthermore by offering all deals at lower end prices will suitably fit the market, as there can be a general assumption that those who are visually impaired may also fit well within the retirement market, a segment that generally has less money spare. Regarding social factors the main issue considered is ethics; relating to how products are developed and distributed, in addition to advertising techniques used to help promote the brand. Equal opportunities and fair working conditions should be issued to all employees involved in the development and promotion of the brand so that the product can represent diversity; relating appropriately to the disabled mobile phone market. Advertisements should be honest and not have any misleading content to confuse any consumers; and all information promoted will be fully implemented into the design of the mobile phone. Technological factors are by large the most relevant and important to consider within mobile phone industries. Due to the constant development of technology within the actual mobile phones, it is an competitive industry to be involved in. Nevertheless within the disability phone market the ‘look’ of the phone is a lesser important factor during purchasing; it is what the phone provides to the consumer to aid their special needs when contacting someone. Simple, up-to-date software is required so that all relevant  features are implemented, in addition to having an appropriately sized screen with higher contrast settings so that the visually impaired are able to read clearer. Large number buttons are essential so the Braille fits comfortably and the user is able to identify what number they want to press with ease. Objectives Here are three objectives that are going to be set for the new developing brand: * Increase awareness of the service in disabled people by 50% within 6 months * In three years time production costs should be reduced by 10% * In the next two years revenue should be approximately  £7 million These objectives act as sufficient targets and in turn will motivate staff and drive productively due to the time scaled that these objectives must be achieved. The chosen objectives all appropriately relate to the current disability phone market and the specific areas that could be improved, such as increasing the awareness of service for people with special needs. This could therefore encourage other companies to develop other suitable day-to-day products to suit their needs also, which could furthermore promote the idea of developing a whole new organisation specially aimed at designing products to aid people with special needs. Strategy The push/pull strategy involves creating demand from two aspects; push strategy involves the demand being created by the manufacturer’s distributers, and pull relates to the manufacturer creating demand via their own promotion techniques (Frazier and Summers, 2011). The brand will follow a pull strategy because it is envisioned that demand will be created through advertising and an effective, unique selling point. This is good because through a push strategy, it is sometimes required to distribute a higher volume of goods, which is better related to a mobile phone industry with a larger audience, unlike the niche, disabled market. Another benefit of this is that because the developing brand is unheard of an unproven; preventing stock piling of products if they are not sold, saving money. Although, a pull strategy will require a large investment for advertising, it is estimated that the cost of production and potential stock piling outweighs this in fiscal terms. Relating to the objectives, the pull strategy will aid  the accomplishment of said targets with the use of an advertising campaign, creating the demand that will create supply to the blind market. To engage the consumers, advertising campaigns will hosted at specific events which relate to the disability market, such as the Cambridge Disability Sport and Arts festival. By doing this it will allow the promotion of the developing product to be recognised and positively received by the disabled. This will allow potential consumers to try out the mobile phone and leave feedback regarding their thoughts and opinions. The Paralympics 2012 is taking place in London, an excellent occasion which can be related to individuals with special needs. It is a global event which promotes diversity of all sorts within the sponsoring organisations and sport activities; which can be related to the promotion of the brand’s developing product and encourage consumers to try it out to see if it can suit their needs. Combined, by implementing such advertising campaigns during the Paralympics and obtaining a respected and relatable celebrity sponsor can help achieve the completion of the increasing awareness objective. Additionally, after appropriate research, selling the phone at a competitive price will create demand; and furthermore help achieve the  £7 million revenue objective. To achieve the reduced in production costs objective, mass production will need to take place, which will effectively lower production costs, or even investing in a new technology to produce more units at a cheaper rate, over a period of time, may even reduce costs by 10%. Tactics Expanding further within the advertising campaigns aimed to help achieve the awareness and revenue objectives, this will include visual posters on noticeable areas of everyday life such as telephone boxes, buses, taxis and even billboards. To carry out ethical diversity promotions, the advertisements will also be located within care centres for the visually impaired, as well as any social and youth clubs to increase awareness. Radio adverts will also take place as it is fair to assume that a wide diversity range of people listen to the radio, allowing the promotion of the  developing product to all audiences. Any user feedback from testing the developing product will be noted down and kept for future improvement, allowing management to raise questions on how to improve the brand and image it represents to consumers. By doing so will potentially improve the awareness of the disability market as well as increasing the possibility of generating revenue due to the improvement of the product to suit the special needs. Ade Adepitan, a wheelchair basketball sportsman and TV presenter can be a suitable celebrity endorsement to help promote the product as he is someone the key segment can truly relate to will help achieve awareness and furthermore create a positive brand reputation which will create demand; and therefore revenue and profits. Issuing the mobile phone with a competitive price of  £60 is suitably competitive and will create demand; helping to achieve the  £7 million revenue objective if 116,666 units are sold within the 2 year time scale. Promoting this product in the UK only can help assess if the product is largely successful to its key segment, and after the 2 year objective is attained, further action can take place to help make the product go global. Lower production costs will occur if an appropriate manufacturer is found; who follows all ethical procedures the brand wants to promote, in addition to supplying the company with great production unit price rates so that the most possible revenue and profits can be generated. Furthermore, a ‘green policy’, known as a policy to help lead greener lives, can promote the brand to be extremely sufficient with its production, enticing customers and portraying the brand image to be ethical and fair. Nevertheless green policies are very expensive, which would mean that either a generous sponsor would have to be applied for, or even a loan would have to take place to implement such activities. Action Firstly, finance will have the overall responsibility of distributing budgets to all departments so that the entire production and launch of the new brand is successful. Once all budgets have been issued the marketing department will be able to effectively form a plan on when the launch will take place and what is proposed to take place during the entire duration. Within the marketing department a market research team will be organised so an investigation of production methods and price rates of manufacturers is performed, as well as making sure all ethical procedures the brand would like to follow are implemented. Relevant findings will be informed to the finance department to see if there are enough budgets to apply any new changes. All tasks taking place for the launch will be managed by a team leader – essential for the success of team member communication and task success. This will then be approved by a main, overall manager of the entire launch, so all task deadlines are met and workloads are of a high standard to boost the quality of the promotion. A time management tool named a Gantt chart will be implemented so all tasks are clearly shown, along with their time deadlines to help guide leaders and encourage team members to strive to complete a task to benefit the brand’s launch. This will be combined with a critical path analysis, where all shortest possible times in which tasks can be completed are shown to avoid delaying the entire launch. Example Critical Path Analysis, Source: http://tutor2u.net Example Gantt chart, Source: www.ganttchart.com/ Control Two things will effectively measure the growth of awareness and gather an accurate estimate. Firstly the sales records will be analysed. A growth in sales indicates the rise of awareness and any initial sales from year one indicate consumer’s knowledge of the product. A questionnaire will also be released to specific geographical locations and the results will give an indication as to how many people and how far spread the awareness of the branch has reached. An appropriate measure to identify whether or not the production costs have been reduced would be to look at energy bills to see if the change in production equipment or manufacturers has been an effective adjustment. To determine whether or not revenue will reach 7 million pounds can be monitored by customer loyalty and re-purchasing. A high customer re-purchase rate is a strong indicator that the brand is respected and trusted with their products and service. References Action for Blind People, (2011), Facts and figures about issues around sight loss, [online] available at: http://www.actionforblindpeople.org.uk/about-us/media-centre/facts-and-figures-about-issues-around-sight-loss/ [accessed 05/05/2012] Chee, H. and Harris, R., (1998), Global marketing strategy, London: Financial Times Pitman Publishing. Frazier, G. L. and Summer, J. O., (2011), Contemporary Views on Marketing Practice, [e-book] Marketing Classics Press. Available at: Google Books http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=eqn23RV52hECpg=PA217dq=push+pull+strategy+definitionhl=ensa=Xei=IHeqT7y9DIqw0QWDgOXlAwved=0CDYQ6AEwAA#v=onepageq=push%20pull%20strategy%20definitionf=false [accessed 24/04/2012] Freitag, N., (2005), Critical The Impact of Culture on International Marketing Plans and Review of the French Wine Industry, Munich: Grin Publishing, 1(1), p.15. GanttCharts, (2012), [image online] available at: http://www.ganttchart.com/gantt-chart-example.png [accessed 04/05/2012] Tutor2u, (2012), [image online] available at: http://t2.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRKft-Y9gw7P3sIBXtcdKf4ot5R7Jqo_Pn-cUzg_bXwuovgXq1can7WpViQ0Q [accessed 01/05/2012] Bibliography Doro, (2011), [online] available at: http://www.doro.co.uk/products/Specialneeds/ [accessed 25/04/2012] Matobmobile, (2010), [online] available at: http://matobmobile.co.uk/index.php?id=elderly_mobile_phones [accessed 25/04/2012] Scribd, (2012), Pest Analysis, [online] available at: http://www.scribd.com/doc/58834389/Pest-Analysis-Nokia [accessed 21/04/2012]

Joseph Conrads Heart of Darkness :: Essays Papers

Heart of Darkness I had read this story once before when I was a freshman at a branch campus of Penn State called Behrend. I read it for a literature class dealing with short stories and their analyzation. I didn’t really like the story back then, and it really hasn’t moved-up any spots on my list of favorites. Although I really didn’t care for the story, I did notice quite a bit of symbolism throughout the book. Conrad seemed to use black and white as his main source of color symbolism. Just as in the old westerns, white is good and black is bad. One instance in which you could see this is the many times that Conrad speaks of the white souls of the black people and the black souls of the white people that exploit them. The old ladies in the Belgian office sat there and knitted black wool, symbolizing the dark fate and tragedy that were to follow. You can find many, many other examples of the usage of black and white to symbolize feelings and emotions, as well as a few other colors. There are also some objects that Conrad uses to create a symbolism. Take, for example, the stick of wax that the manager breaks while he is talking about Kurtz. I don’t know, but if you ask me the manager wishes that the wax actually was Kurtz. I think that the oil painting that was done by Kurtz shows that he was completely aware of what was going on and what he was getting himself into. I also noticed that grass was mentioned a lot in the story. I remember from my class at Behrend that the professor mentioned that Conrad liked to include a lot of references to Biblical scripture in his works. I can’t remember what it was supposed to mean, but I think that the grass has something to do with the Bible. Well, even though this wasn’t the greatest book that I have ever read, there were a lot of interesting things that it gave me to think about. The question was posed in class on Tuesday...What kind of leader would you be if you could make all of the rules You know, the longer that I sit here and think about that question the more that I think I would be horrible. Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness :: Essays Papers Heart of Darkness I had read this story once before when I was a freshman at a branch campus of Penn State called Behrend. I read it for a literature class dealing with short stories and their analyzation. I didn’t really like the story back then, and it really hasn’t moved-up any spots on my list of favorites. Although I really didn’t care for the story, I did notice quite a bit of symbolism throughout the book. Conrad seemed to use black and white as his main source of color symbolism. Just as in the old westerns, white is good and black is bad. One instance in which you could see this is the many times that Conrad speaks of the white souls of the black people and the black souls of the white people that exploit them. The old ladies in the Belgian office sat there and knitted black wool, symbolizing the dark fate and tragedy that were to follow. You can find many, many other examples of the usage of black and white to symbolize feelings and emotions, as well as a few other colors. There are also some objects that Conrad uses to create a symbolism. Take, for example, the stick of wax that the manager breaks while he is talking about Kurtz. I don’t know, but if you ask me the manager wishes that the wax actually was Kurtz. I think that the oil painting that was done by Kurtz shows that he was completely aware of what was going on and what he was getting himself into. I also noticed that grass was mentioned a lot in the story. I remember from my class at Behrend that the professor mentioned that Conrad liked to include a lot of references to Biblical scripture in his works. I can’t remember what it was supposed to mean, but I think that the grass has something to do with the Bible. Well, even though this wasn’t the greatest book that I have ever read, there were a lot of interesting things that it gave me to think about. The question was posed in class on Tuesday...What kind of leader would you be if you could make all of the rules You know, the longer that I sit here and think about that question the more that I think I would be horrible.

Malaysia-Singapore Raltions

ABSTRACT Malaysia and Singapore have a unique and special relation due to the geography, ideology history, culture, , economy, politics and ethnicity factors. Even though with the unique and special factors, its sometimes create tensions between both countries. However, it is said that the relations between both countries have evolved from an inherently unstable into a more mature and positive relationship. This paper will be discussing the current major conflict issue which distressing relationship between both countries and also the resolve issue.This paper also will analyse the relationship during various Prime Minister and their foreign policy towards each other’s. Finally it will discuss why the relationship becomes warmer and the factor that influence the positive relationship. INTRODUCTION Singapore merged with Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak to form the Federation of Malaysia in 1963. However, this political union proved to be short-lived as Singapore was ousted from the Fed eration in 1965 due to political and ethnic differences.This failed political union, and the resulting stigma of separation has continued to cast a shadow over Singapore-Malaysia’s bilateral ties. Furthermore, due to the geographical proximity between these two states, bilateral problems are prone to exaggeration by both sides, often a case of â€Å"virtuous self and the stereotypical other†. Malaysia and Singapore relations are unique and special due to factors such as geography, history, politics, ideology, economy, culture and ethnicity. These factors sometimes have created tensions between both countries.The uniqueness of the relationship is reflected by the various terms used to describe the state of rivalry between the two countries such as â€Å"Siamese twins†, â€Å"sibling rivalry† or â€Å"family quarrel†, suggesting a complex love-hate relationship that has grown out of a shared common history and cultural background, coloured by politic al differences and, ironically, by economic competition and interdependency. DISPUTES AND SOLUTIONS KERETAPI TANAH MELAYU (KTM) – In 1990, Malaysia and Singapore had signed an agreement concerning Tanjong Pagar railway station.Malaysia had agreed to relocate the station to Bukit Timah to allowed development of the land that located in the premium area. On 24 May 2010, a meeting between Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak and his Singaporean counterpart Lee Hsien Loong in Singapore resolved the relocation issue. They announced that Malaysia's national railway company Keretapi Tanah Melayu Berhad (KTM) will be move out from Tanjong Pagar railway station and establish a station at the Woodlands Train Checkpoint (WTCP) by 1 July 2011.Malaysia also will relocate its customs, immigration and quarantine facilities from Tanjong Pagar to the WTCP to ensure the systematic and integrated border crossing facility between Malaysia and Singapore . A joint holding company (60 % Malaysia ow nership, 40 % Singapore) will then develop the abandoned KTM properties. WATER SUPPLY – Malaysia provides Singapore with about half its water. On 1 September 1961, the Federation of Malaya signed an agreement giving Singapore the right to draw up to 86 million imperial gallons (390,000 m3) of water per day with effect through 2011.On 29 September 1962, a further agreement was signed providing Singapore the right to draw up to 250 million imperial gallons (1,100,000 m3) per day from the Johore River, with effect through 2061. Both agreements stipulated the price of RM 0. 03 per 1,000 gallons. In turn, the Johor Government pays Singapore RM 0. 50 for every 1000 gallons of treated water. On 31 August 2011, the 1961 water agreement expired and the waterworks and facilities were handed over to the Johor state government.The handover included the Skudai and Gunung Pulai water treatment plants, which were built and managed by Public Utilities Board (PUB) for 50 years, as well as two pump houses in Pontian and Tebrau . JOHOR-SINGAPORE CAUSEWAY- The state of Johor currently already has developed ports including Pasir Gudang and Tanjong Pelapas. Under the former Mahathir administration, the Malaysian government scheduled to build a new customs, immigration and quarantine complex on a hilltop near the Johor Bahru railway station.A bridge is planned to link the new customs complex with the city square. The proposals on replacing the old causeway with a new bridge have resulted in a political rift between the two countries since the early 2000s. Singapore has hinted that it might agree to a bridge if its air force is allowed to use part of Johor's airspace. Malaysia refused the offer and negotiation is said to be still on going. In September 2003, Malaysia first announced its intention to replace its half of the Causeway with a new bridge.On 5 January 2004, Singapore's Foreign Minister Prof Jayakumar commented that it did not make sense for Singapore to replace its half of the bridge with a new bridge, as it would cost, along with revisions to customs, immigration and quarantine facilities, more than $500 million. On 2 February 2004, Malaysia said it would present Singapore with a new design for the proposed bridge to replace the Causeway, as Malaysia is still interested in building the new bridge.However, in September 2004, Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi announced that Malaysia would defer the half-bridge project as part of its effort to pare down its huge fiscal deficit by deferring big ticket projects. In April 2006, Abdullah Badawi announced that Malaysia would drop the half-bridge project altogether. PEDRA BRANCA (PULAU BATU PUTIH) – On 21 December 1979 Malaysia published a new map which showed the island to be within its territorial waters.This ignited a 29-year territorial dispute which, together with the issue of sovereignty over the nearby maritime features of Middle Rocks and South Ledge, this disputes was presented to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for resolution. On 23 May 2008 the ICJ ruled that Pedra Branca is under Singapore's sovereignty. THE CENTRAL PROVIDENT FUND (CPF) issue has still not been resolved after many years. It is hoped that the Malaysian Government will pursue the long standing issue pertaining to the dilemma of Malaysians who have left the republic for more than a decade and are still unable to withdraw their CPF savings.Under the present CPF withdrawal regulations, Malaysians from Peninsular Malaysia are only able to withdraw their CPF savings at the age of 50 if they have not been working in the republic for the last two years. The CPF law on withdrawal seems to discriminate against Malaysians from Peninsular Malaysia as other foreigners, including Malaysians from Sabah and Sarawak, are allowed full withdrawal of their CPF savings when they leave Singapore. Land Reclamations Issue – Singapore had extensively conducted the land reclamation activity within its territorial water.Plans for the Tekong reclamation project were made publicly available since 1991, and for the Tuas project, since 2001. Until January 2002 there is no objection from neighbouring country. However in 2002 Malaysia had objected the activity. After that, Malaysia embarked on two legal tracks to stop Singapore's land reclamation works. First, on 4 July 2003, Malaysia served notice to Singapore that it wanted arbitration to decide whether Singapore has the right to reclaim the land off Tuas and Pulau Tekong.This arbitration tribunal, comprising five members agreed on by both sides, was formed on 9 Oct 2003. Then, on 5 September 2003 Malaysia applied separately to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) for an order on provisional measures, seeking to put an immediate stop to Singapore's reclamation works pending the setting up of the arbitration panel. The hearing took place between 25 and 27 Sep 03 in Hamburg, Germany. On 8 Oct 2003, ITLOS unanim ously decided that Singapore could continue its land reclamation activities.In April 2005, Singapore and Malaysia formally ended the reclamation dispute by signing a settlement agreement. FACTORS AFFECTING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MALAYSIA AND SINGAPORE Looking at the leadership style of both Prime Minister after the independent of Singapore, there is a high and low relationship which creating the foreign policy towards both countries. We can observed during the Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak and also Tun Hussein Onn, the relationship is calm and interdependent towards each other.During this era also, Mr Lee Kuan Yew as the Prime Minister His leadership style have a strong influence in the manner of bilateral issue between both countries. He is serious in dealing with the issue and also influence by his past experience and the pre and post separation political baggage. To show the difficulties in the relationship, Singapore first Deputy Prime Minister Mr Lee Hsien Loong says: à ¢â‚¬Å" its relationship with Malaysia is one of its important and complex foreign relation† And Tun Mahathir also had a remark that saying: it’s impossible to be friendly with Singapore because of the neighbouring city states unfriendliness towards Malaysia. Singapore gets into that kind of mood that they reject anything that comes from Malaysia. We try to be friendly as possible but it’s impossible† Relations with Singapore under Mahathir's tenure have been stormy. Many disputed issues raised during his administration have not been resolved. Many of these international issues have been raised up under Mahathir's Premiership term, but no significant headway had been made then to resolve them bilaterally.Both sides had stubbornly refused to compromise, with the result of bilateral relations turning frosty. Tun Abdullah Haji Ahmad Badawi became the fifth Prime Minister in 2003 and he was Dr Mahathir’s choice. Since Abdullah Badawi took over, bilateral relations between Singapore and Malaysia have undergone a sea change. Part of it was due to Abdullah warm personality, non-confrontational, consensus-seeking characters and sincere attempts to improve ties together with his policy are to give in to almost every request, and relations have begun to thaw.And this was reciprocated by Singapore leaders, as reflected in the flow of many senior Singaporean leaders to the funeral of Datin Seri Endon, Mr Abdullah’s latewife – which certainly went beyond the call of protocol. During Pak Lah era, few discussion has been made such as the causeway issue, air space issue and also the KTM land in Tanjong Pagar. They are trying to resolve the issue through the win-win situation. When Dato’ Seri Najib taking over the Prime Minister of Malaysia, the relationship is grow warming.The effort of Najib in clearing major bilateral issue concerning both countries make that relation becoming more mature and good. Since the effort of cle aring the implementation of the point of agreement (POA) which had been negotiated and agreed upon in 1990 which involved the KTM land in Tanjung Pagar that cleared in 2010, more bilateral relationship and opportunities is open. WARMING TIES BETWEEN MALAYSIA AND SINGAPORE There is several issue and factors that make the relationship between Malaysia Nad Singapore becoming warmer. The economic factor is one of the most important relations and always had a high degree of inter dependence.Malaysia and Singapore have been each other's main trading partners for many years. Data from Malaysia's Department of Statistics, for instance, show that bilateral trade between Malaysia and Singapore was valued at RM175. 5bil last year, up from RM161. 7bil in 2011. Malaysia remains Singapore's largest trading partner, while Singapore is Malaysia's second largest trading partner after China. Malaysia and Singapore economic interdependence is just not reflected in the bilateral trade only, it also inv olving the investment in both countries.From the data tabled by the Malays Malaysian Industrial Development Authority show that Singapore remains one of the top investors in the country, with total value of approved projects standing at RM2. 2bil last year, down slightly from RMRM2. 5bil in 2011 because of the global economic weakness. Singapore's investments in Malaysia are mainly concentrated in the manufacturing sector. Recently, the development of Iskandar had attracted the Singapore investors and that had make their investor is the largest single group of investor there which accounting about 17% of the total money invested there.In the other sides, Malaysia investors also actively invested in Singapore. It had been showed with involvement Malaysian company like YTL Corp, SP Setia and Selangor Dredging in real estate business, Maybank in financial sector, Axiata Group in telecommunication and also Genting Berhad in the leisure and hospitality sector. The government investment a rm from both country namely Khazanah from Malaysia and Temasek from Singapore also had form a joint venture in developing the commercial land parcels in Singapore such as Marina South and Ophir-Ophir .In Iskandar they are also establishing the joint venture company to invest in two wellness related project with a gross development value of RM 3b. To increase connectivity between both countries, few projects has been agreed and initiated. The extension of MRT from Singapore to Johore Bharu is planned to be built to reduce the traffic congestion in both entrance in Singapore and Malaysia. The High Speed Train from Kuala Lumpur to Singapore also planned to reduce travel time to 90 minutes. This infrastructure development also will increase the economic development in the area.In security and defence matters, both states share a serious concern over the emergence of JI in the region. They have coordinated on police work and intelligence sharing, and even synchronized the initial arrests of JI members in December 2001. JI members were imprisoned in both countries under the Internal Security Act (ISA), which both Malaysia and Singapore patterned after the British law that allows for detention without trial for up to two years for supposedly dangerous suspects. Also, both countries have put pressure on Indonesia to take a more active role in confronting the terrorism problem.In the military, several bilateral exercise and operation is conducted to reduce the crime in Straits of Malacca, Eyes in The Sky Operation is jointly conducted to scout the strait for pirates. The flights are undertaken by crews with nationals from the different countries so they can better share information. Intelligence gathered on pirates is also disseminated among governments, including on a Web-based network for quick and easy access. These actions, taken together, made it far more costly and difficult for the pirates to operate.Both military forces also involve in the Five Power Defence Ar rangement that are a series of defence relationships established by a series of bilateral agreements between the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia and Singapore signed in 1971, whereby the five states will consult each other in the event of external aggression or threat of attack against Peninsular Malaysia (East Malaysia is not included as part of the area of responsibilities under the FPDA) or Singapore. FACTORS THAT MAKES THE RELATIONSHIP GROWING TIES The first factor is the leadership role and function. With the new eneration of leader ship which is the second generation of previous leader, Najib is son of Tun Abd Razak and Lee Hsien Loong is son of Lee Kuan Yew, they are trying actively to resolve the bilateral issue of both countries. With the new generation thinking they realised the interdependence both country each many matters. The second factor economic interdependence which shows that both country are main trading partner each other. Malaysia also inviting the investors from Singapore to invest in the economic development project initiate in many region in Malaysia such as IRDA, ECER and also NCER.The encouragement by both governments through their public and private sector to collaborate with their counterpart shows there relationship will going stronger. The third factor is massive people to people contact which encouraging tourist from both countries visiting each other will develop this contact. This will created necessary goodwill and tolerance among others. This also had been expanded through sport activity which we can see that the football team from both countries is participating in the league. CONCLUSIONWe can conclude that due to their historical, cultural linkages and their geographical proximity Malaysia and Singapore had enjoyed and share a special relationship. The issue and challenge between each other had brought a god point for both countries to sit down and discussing the way to move forward. Both of the leaders ar e aware the important of each other in many factors. Both new generation leaders is trying hard to improve the relationship with each other’s even though there is a few issue that not resolve yet.But their mutual agreement in developing economic sector each other shows the positive prospect towards very warm relationship. Both leaders also seem in the same view in settling issue through win-win situation and compromise. With the realisation by the leaders in win-win situation and compromising each other, it may lead towards prosperous relationship in the future. It’s the leader and their foreign policy which is determining the future of these relations. Thus, the leader should take every effort to ensure the warming of the relationship is preserve to ensure the mutual benefits.The security and military activities is to be enhanced to ensure the safety of both countries. With the firm security the development of economy can be planned and develop towards higher level. W ith the interest of Singapore investors in IRDA is high, it is not possible Singapore will extend the security watch in the area to ensure safety of their investment. Thus this will benefit both countries towards long and warm relationship. Despite all the bilateral issue, it is observed that, both country is dependant each other in economy, social, and also security aspect.With that the warming relations that initiated by both the new generation leader is a good step towards more close relation. 3117 words Reference: Ganesan, 2005, p. 58 Rusdi Omar, et. al. (2005). Hubungan Malaysia-Singapura Era Mahathir. Sintok: Penerbit Universiti Utara Malaysia. p. 2. Joint statement by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Prime Minister Dato' Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak at the Singapore-Malaysia Leaders' Retreat on 24 May 2010, 24 May 2010, , retrieved 2010-05-25 Water Conflicts Between Malaysia and Singapore. Wikipedia the Free Encyclopedia Star. (1999). June 5. p. -2. 1961 water agreement w ith Johor expires on Wednesday. The Straits Times. 14 October 2011 â€Å"Johor-Singapore Causeway†. Wikipedia Rusdi Omar. 2007. Malaysia-Singapore Relations: Issues and Strategies. Working paper presented at the International Conference on Southeast Asia in 3-4 December 2007 at University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia M'sia Stops Construction Of Bridge To Replace Johor Causeway. Prime Minister's Office, Malaysia. 12 April 2006. Pedra Branca, Singapore. Wikipedia Solve CPF Withdrawal Issue With Singapore. The Star Online. 12 November 2008 Kyodo News. (2005).Singapore and Malaysia resolve land reclamation dispute. April 26. http://www. channelnewsasia. com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/144527/1/. html Rusdi Omar, Mohd Ainuddin; Mas Juliana Mukhtarudin. 2005. Malaysia-Singapore Relations During Mahathir’s Era. Sintok, Kedah: UUM News Straits Time. (2003). May 5. p. 22. Asian Economic News. (2002). Oct 14. p. 19 Malaysia’s Foreign Relations: Issues and Challen ges. Ruhanas Harun. Page 24 The Star (2013) Mac 16 Malaysia-Singapore Relations: Never Mind the Rhetoric . Anthony L. Smith. October 2004 ——————————————– 1 ]. Ganesan, 2005, p. 58 [ 2 ]. Rusdi Omar, et. al. (2005). Hubungan Malaysia-Singapura Era Mahathir. Sintok: Penerbit Universiti Utara Malaysia. p. 2. [ 3 ]. Joint statement by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Prime Minister Dato' Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak at the Singapore-Malaysia Leaders' Retreat on 24 May 2010, 24 May 2010, , retrieved 2010-05-25 [ 4 ]. Water Conflicts Between Malaysia and Singapore. Wikipedia the Free Encyclopedia [ 5 ]. Star. (1999). June 5. p. 1-2. [ 6 ]. 1961 water agreement with Johor expires on Wednesday. The Straits Times. 14 October 2011 [ 7 ]. Johor-Singapore Causeway†. Wikipedia [ 8 ]. Rusdi Omar. 2007. Malaysia-Singapore Relations: Issues and Strategies. Working paper presented at th e International Conference on Southeast Asia in 3-4 December 2007 at University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia [ 9 ]. M'sia Stops Construction Of Bridge To Replace Johor Causeway. Prime Minister's Office, Malaysia. 12 April 2006. [ 10 ]. Pedra Branca, Singapore. Wikipedia [ 11 ]. Solve CPF Withdrawal Issue With Singapore. The Star Online. 12 November 2008 [ 12 ]. Kyodo News. (2005). Singapore and Malaysia resolve land reclamation dispute.April 26. http://www. channelnewsasia. com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/144527/1/. html [ 13 ]. Rusdi Omar, Mohd Ainuddin& Mas Juliana Mukhtarudin. 2005. Malaysia-Singapore Relations During Mahathir’s Era. Sintok, Kedah: UUM [ 14 ]. News Straits Time. (2003). May 5. p. 22. [ 15 ]. Asian Economic News. (2002). Oct 14. p. 19. [ 16 ]. Malaysia’s Foreign Relations: Issues and Challenges. Ruhanas Harun. Page 24 [ 17 ]. The Star (2013) Mac 16 [ 18 ]. Ibid [ 19 ]. The Star (2013) Mac 16 [ 20 ]. Ibid [ 21 ]. Malaysia-Singapore Relations: Never Mind the Rhetoric . Anthony L. Smith. October 2004

Defend or attack this proposition children should be allowed to choose their own paths Free Essay Example, 1000 words

Jing-mei’s mother started to provide house cleaning services as a source of trading to a piano teacher Mr. Chong, an old man who was deaf and had weak eyes. All this happened against the will of Jing-Mei and Mr. Chong was unable to tell Jing-mei if she was playing wrong notes of piano. Mr. Chong was a sincere teacher but Jing-mei was not cooperating and continued to play the piano badly. One day, Jing-Mei’s mother met a woman with her daughter in the neighborhood and showed natural pride over Jing-mei’s success over the piano. Jing-mei’s mother bought a secondhand piano for her and made Jing-mei to participate in talent show in a church hall, a place where all the couples were invited. At this time, Jing-Mei believed that she is a prodigy although she did not know the music and had no practice as well. While playing a song on the piano Jing-mei realized how bad she was at it. Soon after the song was finished, she revealed that she is not a musical prodigy by noticing the weak applause from the audience and her parent’s disappointment. Even after the talent show, Jing-mei was told by her mother to continue practicing the piano but had no personal desire to cooperate with her mother and said to herself that ‘I didn’t have to do what my mother said anymore. We will write a custom essay sample on Defend or attack this proposition: children should be allowed to choose their own paths or any topic specifically for you Only $17.96 $11.86/pageorder now I wasn’t her slave. I had listened to her before and look what happened’. At this time, Jing-mei rejects to practice the piano and had an argument with her mother where she said the most hateful things that she would have ever said such as ‘I wish I would never been born! I wish I were dead! ’. It was this time when Jing-mei mentioned about the twin daughters her mother was forced to abandon in China several years back. She noticed that her mother suddenly retreat her and never took the name of piano ever again. As a result of this behavior, Jing-mei was shocked to receive to a piano as a gift from her mother for her thirtieth birthday. Jing-mei accepted the piano after her mother’s death and played it for the first time in many years while packing her mother’s belongings. ‘Two kinds’ is a story which suggests that parents are allowed to choose the future path ways of their children and children are not bound to fulfill their parents dream about their future. I along with many children in the world, belonging from different cultures and backgrounds believe that we have the right to refuse to fulfill our parent’s dreams about our own future. Parents can guide and may provide different options to their children but should not impose anything of their own choice over their children as children have their own personal lives.

Diplomacy, foreign policy and the media

Sample details Pages: 29 Words: 8605 Downloads: 5 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? Modern diplomacy has developed over the last four hundred years, adapting to changes in governments, communication, and most recently, technology. In addition, the changing communication scene in the diplomatic realm has led to the global media occupying a more and more prominent role in international diplomacy and foreign policy negotiation. Whilst this is typically evident in conflict situations, thisresearch considers its impact on economic situations, most notably thereluctance of the UK to accept the euro, as well. The media is foundto both influence and be influenced by diplomatic and foreign policy practise regarding the adoption of the euro, and Britains integration into the European Union. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Diplomacy, foreign policy and the media | Politics Dissertation" essay for you Create order Diplomacy as we know it today is a constantly evolving practise. Historically conducted by professional representatives of sovereign states, usually in residence at various cities of global significance, changes in communication and technology over the past one hundred years have dramatically affected the way diplomacy is conducted. The global news media has emerged, particularly with the increased popularity of television in the past fifty years and now the internet, as a non-state actor in foreign policy. As the media as a whole neither represents or belongs to one sovereign state, this has caused a loss of control over information by diplomatic bodies, as well as changes in the role of public opinion and real-time information in diplomatic negotiations. The media is said to exert what is called the CNN Effect, that is, that reporting certain stories in certain manners influences the public and politicians of a given nation, causing them to address an issue that might not otherwise be addressed, act more quickly, or simply do something in response to media coverage. Whilst there is some empirical and other data to support this role of the media, other roles of the media as a global actor must also be considered. For example, governments can use and even manipulate the media to present a certain view or gain support in other countries, and foreign policy and diplomacy methods and practises in turn have an impact on the media itself. These influences are most prevalent in situations regarding conflict and economic consequences, with conflict situations typically considered as part of research into the role of the media in diplomacy and foreign policy. This dissertation seeks to consider the medias role in current economic issues in the United Kingdom. Specifically, the ongoing drive to move the UK to the euro as its single currency, and the implications of this move or lack of move on the UKs role and participation in the European Union will be considered. The use of the media by other European players and pro-Europe and pro-euro groups within the UK will be examined, with specific reference to the time period in which Chancellor Browne developed and announced the five tests that Britain would require for acceptance of the currency, from 1997 to 2003. The use of the media by those opposed to the euro and greater UK participation in Europe will also be examined, as will the governments use of the media regarding the issue and possible referendum. Finally, the medias impact on public opinion, foreign policy, and diplomacy regarding the euro and EU, with attention to the differences between media organisations that support or oppose, will be examined. 2.LITERATURE REVIEW As this dissertation seeks to consider the impact of the media onforeign policy and diplomacy, it is helpful to begin by considering thedefinitions and history of each, and the relationship between the two.They are often confused. Foreign policy is much broader and morestraightforward; it involves the official intentions and practices ofone sovereign nation in relation to the others around the world.Gilboa (2002, 732) further explains, providing a context for diplomacyas a practice within foreign policy. Basically, a nation firstconsiders and decides upon various policy options, positions, methods,and tactics, based primarily on influences, wants and needs from itsdomestic environment. The nation then moves into the second phase offoreign policy, interaction and diplomacy, which entails implementingpolicies toward other actors, presenting positions and demands decidedin the earlier stage, and seeking solutions through confrontation,negotiation, or a combination of both (Gilboa 2002, 732). Diplomacyis then a method or means by which foreign policy is implemented, andsometimes revised. The concept of diplomacy may be further narrowed. Berridge (1995, 1)defines diplomacy as the conduct of international relations bynegotiation rather than by force, propaganda, or recourse to law, andby other peaceful means such as gather information or engenderinggoodwill which are either directly or indirectly designed to promotenegotiation. Watson (1984, 33) defines diplomacy as negotiationbetween political entities which acknowledge each othersindependence. Gilboa (2001, 1) describes the term as primarilyapplying to international negotiation, a communication system throughwhich representatives of states and international or global actors,including elected and appointed officials, express and defend theirinterests, state their grievances, and issue threats and ultimatums.As such it can serve both as a means of contact, of clarifyingpositions, of gathering and seeking out information, and of bringingother actors on the international stage to support a particularposition (Gilboa 2001 , 1). Diplomacy seeks to create a favourable image for a countrys policies,actions, and political and economic system, assuming that if publicopinion in the target society is persuaded to accept that image, itwill exert pressure on its government to alter existing, hostile,attitudes and policy (Gilboa 2001, 5). It purposes to either searchfor a compromise, or else transcend the dispute and to bring in a newelement that makes a wider agreement palatable to both sides (Watson1984, 69). Diplomacy is about what to do before one reaches the pointwhere resort is made to these other mechanisms, about extending theperiod up to that point as fast as possible and, once it is nonethelessreached, of maintaining dialogue with a view to resorting to thedialogical mode at the earliest possibility (Neumann 2001, 16). Diplomacy as it is practised today began in the 1400s in Italy, thefirst location of embassies representing various foreign countries(Berridge 1995, 1). Soon after, other European countries began to hostpermanent, resident embassies in their capitals and prominent cities(Berridge 1995, 2). This replaced the earlier practise of dispatchingenvoys only to deal with particular situations or tasks, andrepresented the increasing economic and cultural interaction betweenthe various cities and countries of Europe. Having a residentambassador allowed more influence due to a continuous role and anopportunity for gathering information useful to their principals. Italso opened the door for quiet negotiations, the kind not possible whenspecial envoys were dispatched (Berridge 1995, 2-3). The practise of diplomacy, at least through the end of the First WorldWar, was based on several governing principles. The first, originallyarticulated by Machiavelli in the early 1500s, was that the objectiveof all foreign negotiations and communication was to advance theinterests of the principals the ambassadors or diplomats represented.Machiavelli saw the objective of a sovereign as to retain his realm andpossessions (Neumann 2001, 19). The diplomat was required, therefore,to have an intimate understanding of the character, wishes and bestinterests of his sovereign. The diplomat was responsible for beingknowledgeable of past, current and potential events, to keep openchannels of communication that would facilitate this flow ofinformation, and offer information in a reciprocal way that bothencouraged this communication and simultaneously advanced the aims ofhis principal (Machiavelli 1522/2002, 176). As he put it in a letterto a friend leaving to take an ambassadorship in Spain, be comefriendly with all of them in order to worm out of each of them whatthey know (Machiavelli 1522/2002, 176). Although diplomacy is a practise of communication and negotiationwithout resorting to the force of law, there were and are protocols andrules governing it. Grotius argued in the fifteenth century thatsovereign states can be fully and truly legitimate only if theyacknowledge the duties they owe to each other and to a common humanityby acting in accordance with the customary rules of diplomacy andinternational law (Bacchus 2001, 3). When nations interact with eachother in a civilised fashion, they naturally develop such a law ofnations, that is, law that is developed by the collective will of allor many nations, and that draws its obligatory force from the combinedwill of all or many nations (Bacchus 2001, 3). Functional diplomacy,therefore, requires that actors in the diplomatic community, bothindividuals and nation-states, must have mutual respect for eachothers rights. This is a notion that assumes a single humanity, acommon humanity that transcends the artificial and ever-changing limitsof national borders, and that binds us together above and beyond allthe boundaries of nationality, race, religion, or any other superficialdistinction that might somehow obscure our basic oneness (Bacchus2001, 3). Protocols amongst those in diplomatic circles were often ceremonial andcomplex, used to stroke the egos of the sending and host countriesrulers, flatter allies, and promote final decisions (Bettridge 1995,5). Many diplomats were professionals, and the diplomaticrepresentatives from a variety of countries resident in one city oftenfunctioned as a unified diplomatic corps with its own rules andprocedures. This further allowed the professional ambassadors todevelop relationships with and understandings of each other, whichoften greatly facilitated communication and negotiation between theirvarious resident missions (Bettridge 1995, 8-9). Most consulrepresentatives additionally functioned as part of the aristocraticclass of that particular city, further reinforcing their relationshipswith each other (Bettridge 1995, 13). Another primary feature of diplomacy prior to the end of the firstWorld War was secrecy. By keeping both the fact and content ofdiplomacy out of the public eye, diplomats were able to walk away fromtalks when necessary, reveal weaknesses or areas lacking clarity whereappropriate, and package the final results of negotiations in a waythat appeared as a win for their side. Concessions were not requiredto be explained, nor positions defended until a final settlement wasachieved, greatly freeing participants to pursue alternate negotiationoptions (Berridge 1995, 4-5). In addition, diplomats had much greatercontrol of the information available to other parties involved in anegotiation, and could use the expression of such information, or lackthereof, to their advantage. According to Machiavelli if you havesomething to hide, you should possess of great skills to see that itdoes not come to light (Machiavelli 1522/20 02, 175). This changed following the First World War, when Woodrow Wilson andothers proposed openly arrived at communications, proceeding alwaysfrankly and in the public view (Gilboa 2001, 1). This newdiplomacy was adopted across the international arena, and secrecy ismuch more rare and less prized in diplomacy today, even though itseffectiveness is still recognised. For example, Europes Organisationfor Security and Cooperations High Commissioner on National Minoritiescontends that lack of media coverage is often an advantage because itallows invisible and quiet behind-the-scenes diplomacy to be used,which he considers the key to successful prevention of internationalconflict (Jakobsen 2000, 139). As far as negotiations are concerned,little has changed as far as options for settling a dispute in the pastfour hundred years. Grotius laid out the best possible methods forpeaceful settlement of conflict as a nego tiation leading to aresolution, where there is compromise on the part of some or all of theparties involved (Chen 2005). This typically now happens in a muchmore public forum than was the practise even a hundred years ago. A final principle governing the practise of diplomacy is credibilityand honesty. Obviously, those involved in a negotiation must assume atleast some honestly and commitment on the part of others participating,of the whole thing is simply a waste of time. In this arena, diplomacymay be helped by an increase in public involvement, as it helps to keepall the players both honest and committed. In situations where thehonesty or intentions of players is suspect, as Wight (1979, 89)describes, politics tend to break down the important distinctionbetween diplomacy and espionage, and between diplomacy andpropaganda. Diplomacy is the attempt to adjust conflicting interestsby negotiation and compromise; propaganda is the attempt to sway theopinion that underlies and sustains the interests (Wight 1979, 89).Therefore, whilst the three basic functions of diplomacy areinformation, negotiation, and communication, in less than honestsituations, the functions of diplomacy are often perverted, emerging asespionage, subversion and propaganda (Wight 1979, 115-117). This ismore difficult in a non-secret diplomatic setting. A final wrinkle in the changing face of diplomacy, and the focus ofthis dissertation, is the emergence in the past century of the globalmedia as a separate and distinct player in both diplomacy and greaterforeign policy and affairs. It is widely recognised that the globalnews media have affected both the policy-making and the interactivephases of foreign policy (Gilboa 2002, 732). Some politicians andjournalists have even suggested the convergence of the revolutionarychanges in politics and communication has created a new media-dominatedgoverning system (Gilboa 2001, 3). Modern diplomacy, once a largelyone-dimensional, nation-to-nation process, is now a multi-dimensionalenterprise in which so-called non-state actors and foreign publicsplay an increasingly prominent role (Ross 2003, 22). Governments can and do purposefully use various media to send messagesto other international actors. In this sense, they are harnessing thepower of the media to promote their own foreign policies (Gilboa 2001,10). Often called media diplomacy, this refers to officials uses ofthe media to communicate with state and nonstate actors, to buildconfidence and advance negotiations, and to mobilize public support foragreements. Media diplomacy is pursued through various routine andspecial media activities including press conferences, interviews andleaks, as well as visits of heads of state and mediators to rivalcountries and spectacular media events organised to user in new policyeras (Gilboa 2001, 10). This new form of diplomacy is one of direct communication with foreignpeoples, with the aim of affecting their thinking and, ultimately, thatof their governments (Gilboa 2001, 4). Some countries have even begunh iring public relations firms, particularly in the US and Europe, tosway opinion in favour of their governments (Gilboa 2001, 5-6).Policies can still be forged in private, confidential talks amongprofessional diplomats, much as they were 200 years ago, but no policyinitiative can succeed over the long term without the understanding andsupport of multiple foreign publics and other non-state actors (Ross2003, 22). 2b.The CNN Effect Whilst historically diplomacy took place between diplomats and theirrepresentative nation-states, the past decades have seen a new playeremerge on the global stage. As Gilboa (2002, 731) contends, thecommunication and information revolutions of the 20th century havefundamentally and irreversibly changed the meaning of power ininternational relations, the making of policy in defense and foreignaffairs, and the conduct of diplomacy. Changes in media availabilityand immediacy, primarily from television and the internet, havealtered the meaning of power in contemporary world politics, now it isa nation or leaders image and control of information flow, and notjust their military and economic power, that help determine theirstatus in the international community (Gilboa 2001, 2). Governmentscan now gain information from the media in additional to traditio nalinformation sources. However, the public is also provided with thisinformation simultaneously. In this way, the media influencesdiplom acy through both direct impact on government representatives andby informing and directing information to the general public. The impact of the media on information availability cannot beunderestimated. Europeans consistently identify the media, primarilytelevision and newspapers with increasing reliance on the internet, astheir most important sources for information, with more than sixty percent of the citizens across the EU member states naming television newsand forty per cent naming daily newspapers as the most importantsources for acquiring information about European affairs (de Vreese2004, 47; Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter 2000, 121). The number anddiversity of media outlets is also increasing. The past two decadeshave seen a shift from public broadcasting to commercial broadcastingof news in Great Britain. Significantly, this has led to an increasedpressure for ratings and viewership, which some contend has changed thenature and substance of television news reporting in the country(Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter 2000, 122). The EU ote s TelevisionWithout Frontiers Green Paper, published in 1984, and u pdated in 1997,sought to open national borders for a flow of television programmescreating a single market for broadcasting, unhindered by nationallegislation (Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter 2000, 123). Particularly significant in the global impact of television journalismare two channels, CNN and BBC World, both key 24-hour news networkswatched in newsrooms, diplomatic enclaves and middle-class homes acrossthe globe (Thussu 2002, 206). CNN alone is available to over 800million people worldwide; the CNN News Group includes six cable andsatellite television networks, two radio networks, fourteen websitesclaiming almost twenty-five million hits a day, and the worlds mostextensive syndicated news service, which includes 42 bureaus and morethan 200 international affiliates. The CNN International cable andtelevision broadcasts can be seen in more than 160 million televisionhouseholds in 212 countries and territories across the world through anetwork of 23 satellites (Thussu 2002, 207). The other global mediagiant, although not nearly with the reach of CNN, is BBC World, theBritish Broadcasting Corporatio ns 24-hour global news and informationchannel, which is available for viewing in mor e than 167 million homesin over 200 countries globally (Thussu 2002, 206). The power of thesenews media outlets is such that even US adversaries, such as Iraq in1991 and Serbia in 1999, continued to allow CNN broadcasts during theconflict (Thussu 2002, 206). The CNN Effect is a theory that claims that in international crisissituations global television has become the dominating actor in theconduct of foreign policy, replacing elected and appointed policymakers (Gilboa 2002, 732). This theory is based on the testimoniesfrom major policy makers in several recent political crises that theirdecisions were impacted by global television (Gilboa 2002, 733). Forexample, media pressure has been directly linked to John Majorsdecision to overrule his advisors and intervene in Iraq; one of hisadvisors is quoted that the Prime Minister was panicked by newspaperheadlines in the situation (Jakobsen 2000, 134). The CNN Effectcontends that the media covers some situation of suffering and/oratrocity, and through such coverage and the way it is presentedjournalists and opinion leaders are able to assert that Westerngovernments must respond. The public pressur e for some sort of actionin response to the situation grows, until the government is forced tobeco me involved (Jakobsen 2000, 132). The result is that officialshave lost at least some policy control to various global media, andleaders no longer make decisions on the basis of interests but ratherare driven by emotional public opinion aroused by television coverage(Gilboa 2002, 734). Global media involvement has fundamentally changed the focus with whichinternational actors respond to international issues. The immediateresponse required by the CNN Effect unfortunately has been documentedto cause global actors to emphasise short-term crisis management andemergency relief as a response, rather than focus on long-term effortsdirected at preventing violent conflict and rebuilding war-tornsocieties (Jakobsen 2000, 133). In most situations, emergencyhumanitarian assistances is used in place of effective (and more costlyto the West) long-term engagement that is aimed at addressing the rootcauses of the crisis (Jakobsen 2000, 139). The selective nature ofthe medias conflict coverage creates another problem because fundsfollow the cameras (Jakobsen 2000, 139). When media coverage moves onto the next crisis, funds are typically withdrawn, leaving the area ina situation of oft en as great a need as before the media beganreporting. In addition, there are so many crisis situa tions andhumanitarian needs worldwide that the media is usually slow to cover aspecific incident until it becomes violent or mass starvation or someother catastrophe has killed large numbers of people (Jakobsen 2000,133). In addition, even extreme conflicts may not be covered at all orin a very limited scope, with the silent emergencies far outnumberinglouder or more violent situations (Jakobsen 2000, 133). Another documented result of the involvement of the global media indiplomacy has been the change in speed with which decisions must now bemade. When communications are received, decisions must be soonforthcoming, or the world will see the players in the decision-makingprocess as weak or undecided. However, policy makers would often dowell if allowed more time to make important international decisions.They often no longer have that option. In an age of satellitetelevision and the internet, policy messages must be not only accurate,but fast. Silence is a vacuum that the media will fill with someoneelses viewpoint if policy makers or government actors do notparticipate (Ross 2003, 24). Further, foreign policy and negotiationsmust be constantly communicated in a way that the public can access,not just more knowledgeable diplomatic personnel. In todays world ofglobal communication, policy makers must recognize that te a policythat cannot be explained clearly and understandably, to many di fferentaudiences, is not sustainable (Ross 2003, 22). According to USAmbassador Christopher Ross, foreign policy and public diplomacy havebecome inextricable and integrated throughout the process of policyformation and implementation (Ross 2003, 22). It is equally vital tosystematically address the slower pulse of public attitudes, to connectwith human emotions and perceptions where our values and worldviewsreside most deeply (Ross 2003, 23). A number of research studies, however, have concluded that globaltelevision is only truly a controlling actor when there is significantpolicy uncertainty and need of framing of a particular situation orcrisis (Gilboa 2002, 735). That is, whilst the media can influence theissues of highest priority to the general public and the speed andmanner in which they are addressed, the media has not been shown toactively influence the broader policy decisions of governments.Jakobsen (2000, 138) concludes that most of the time, the impact ofmedia coverage on Western conflict management is less direct than theCNN Effect argument suggests. General consensus now holds that themedia typically acts as a constraining actor, where the media can forcepolicy makers to address an issue but not control their ultimate policydecision (Gilboa 2002, 736). Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter (2000, 136) quote Bernard Cohen that thepress may not be successful much of the time in telling people what tothink, but it is stunningly successful in telling people what to thinkabout. They further cite a study of more than 200 investigations intothe influence of the news media as an agenda-setter and conclude thereis ample empirical evidence that the visibility of an issue in thenews influences the perceived importance of that issue by the public(Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter 2000, 136). What is available in themedia and most readily accessible in peoples minds is given greaterweight in the formulation of evaluations (Semetko, de Vreese, andPeter 2000, 137). The media provides context, or framing, for issuesin the minds of the public. That is, media organisations selectparticular aspects of a situation, thereby excluding others, organizesthose aspects around a central idea, and thus, puts emphasises on howto look at and interpret those aspects (Semetk o, de Vreese, and Peter2000, 137). As the public is directed in what to think about, they further use thiscriteria in making a number of evaluations, such as the effectivenessof their government and leaders, the appropriate course of action fortheir country, and the most pressing issues of the day. Primingtheory posits that public evaluations of political leaders are made onthe basis of how leaders perform on issues that are on the top ofcitizens mind when they are formulating their evaluation (de Vreese2004, 45). The information provided by the media, in particular thenews media, is a key source of information and cues for citizenscitizens rely on information that is most easily brought to mind andthis information is largely dependent on media content (de Vreese2004, 46). The theory contends that citizens form and express theirevaluations based on the most newly acquired and readily accessibleinformation, givin g the media with a late-breaking story substantialopportunity for impact (de Vreese 2004, 47). This introduces the idea of framing, that the media not only controlsthe topics at the forefront of public consideration but provides acontext for the general public to understand and process these issues.Framing consists of two components: first, the media decides howissues will be presented and covered in the news. This is usually basedon economic concerns, which will be addressed shortly. They do so in aplanned way, encouraging viewers to perceive, organize, and interpretissues or events in a particular manner (de Vreese, Peter and Semetko2001, 107). Certain aspects of the issue or event are included andemphasised, others are excluded or deemphasised, to present the viewingpublic with a context for becoming involved or interested in the issueor event (de Vreese, Peter and Semetko 2001, 108). Previousinvestigations of frames in the news have a strong ethnocentric bias,both in terms of the issues examined an d the geographical focus of thestudies the contents and effects of the news media is often based onnational studies, suffering somewhat from naive universalism byoffering general theoretical propositions based on single-country data(de Vreese, Peter and Semetko 2001, 108). Frames emphasising conflict and economic consequences have beenconsistently found to be the most common frames used by the media, asthey are the ones most likely to encourage continued or repeatviewership (de Vreese, Peter and Semetko 2001, 109). Conflict frameshighlight disagreement between individuals, institutions, or countriesand emphasizes the points of divergence between conflicting partiesThe presence of conflict is consistently listed as one of the mostimportant criteria for identifying which events will become newsstories (de Vreese, Peter and Semetko 2001, 110). Frames of economicconsequences concentrate on the bottom line of economic advantage,and news producers often use the consequence frame to make an issuerelevant to their audience and therefore increase viewership orreadership (de Vreese, Peter and Semetko 2001, 109-110). The framing and issue choice based on commercial considerations, thatis what stories will sell the most papers or encourage the mostviewers, has been documented to act as a blocking mechanism againstnews events that cannot be sold, and often lead to a distortedpresentation of events to make them more marketable (Thussu 2002,211). For example, historical evidence shows that wars, particularlyshort, bloody wars, are generally good news stories for papers and inparticular for television networks (Thussu 2002, 210). Televisinglive conflict can be particularly profitable if it concerns a patrioticwar (Thussu 2002, 210). However, media coverage of a conflict isnext to impossible to sustain unless Western troops are killed ormassacres of civilians occur (Jakobsen 2000, 135). In addition, thoseconflicts closest geographically and culturally to the West, and thosewith some eco nomic influence are also most likely to receivecoverage. On the other hand, International news channels andnewspapers pay little attention to the successes of preventivediplomacy (Jakobsen 2000, 134). 2c.Using the Media in Diplomacy In addition to simply responding to the medias actions or coverage ofevents, governments and state-actors in the international arena havelearned to use the media to further their own diplomatic agendas. Thebest examples of this come from the United States, who has made almosta science of using the media to advance its intended policies and shapeopinion regarding them (Gilboa 2001, 10). They first began thesystematic supplying of the media with diplomatic and foreign policyinformation in the 1960s, instituting a regular use of the pressconference as a way to present the governments positions and plans tothe public (Gilboa 2001, 5). This is often combined with carefullygranted interviews, in which various officials speak on specific topicwith media personnel, guaranteeing a topic will be covered in thenightly news and papers (Gilboa 2001, 10). For example, in the firstGulf War and the 1994 intervention in Haiti, the United States government used the news media to legitimate its policie s, rather thanhaving been driven by the news media to take action (Jakobsen 2000,134). Governments also use the media to advance their policies and viewsthrough limiting or granting access to various members of the media.For example, when Tony Blair travels to Brussels, certain members ofthe media are typically invited to accompany him and thereby grantedincreased access to his agenda and plans. This allows them to reportstories other media outlets may not have access to, but at the sametime is used by government officials to control or at least influencethe stories being put forth (Jakobsen 2000, 135). Henry Kissinger,former Secretary of State in the US, was one of the first diplomats toregularly allow a group of reporters to accompany him on his officialduties, and Kissinger is recognised as a master of information controlwho used these media representatives to both his own and the UnitedStates advantage in foreign negotiations (Gilboa 2002, 739). In addition to providing increased access to a select group ofreporters, the United States government has also been documented to usestrategic leaks, another way governments can manipulate the media intoreports they desire to be advanced. Again, in a leak situation themedia representative or outlet receiving the leak has a story notavailable to their competition, which is potentially profitable forthem. The officials providing the leak can then refuse responsibilityfor the information being advanced, whilst obtaining their objective atthe same time (Gilboa 2002, 740). Sometimes officials use leaks topromote their own agendas, or at least agendas at odds with the partysin power. For example, leaks regarding Tony Blairs concern regardingRupert Murdoch were leaked to the press, and eventually became part ofa Channel 4 documentary entitled Blairs Year. The documentarystates Blair feels he has to convert Mu rdoch before he calls areferendum The Prime Minister ruled out attempting to take Britaininto the single currency before the next election after being told itwould turn Murdochs newspapers, especially The Sun, against NewLabour (Mullen and Burkitt 2003, 330). Interestingly, this decisionwas apparently made without consulting the Cabinet, but only based onmedia interests and power (Mullen and Burkitt 2003, 330). Mr. Blairwill supposedly not pursue traditional communication channels ofnegotiation with Europe and within the UK if it means risking mediabacklash. Many governments also sponsor various media outlets designed to promotetheir views and desired images directly to foreign publics, who, it ishoped, will be swayed in their opinions and exert pressure on theirgovernments to behave or react accordingly (Gilboa 2001, 4).Particularly during the Cold War, both East and West providedgovernment-funded media outlets, such as Radio Free Europe and RadioLiberty (Anon 2005). These media news channels were specificallydesigned to promote the views and policies of one of the sides to theothers public (Anon 2005). As such, they were vehicles designed toultimately influence foreign policy and diplomatic relations. Sometimes state-actors in international diplomacy situations will evenuse the media in place of traditional communication channels. One ofthe most famous examples of use of the media to communicate a directmessage to another leader and people occurred during the response toIraqs invasion of Kuwait in 1990 (Gilboa 2002, 737). The UnitedStates Secretary of State, James Baker, did not use traditionaldiplomatic channels to communicate the allied intensions to SaddamHussein, preferring to address him via CNN (Gilboa 2002, 737). Thismade the address public for the world to see, strengthening the US andcoalition forces position through its directness, and also placed areal-time response requirement on the Iraqi government, who could notignore the communication, claim they did not receive it, or delay inaddressing it as may have been possible using traditional methods(Gilboa 2002, 737). In this way the United States government used CNNto direct its foreign policy and diplomacy, implementing the CNNEffect in policy actions against its rival. In some cases, individual journalists have even become players in theforeign policy arena. One of the most stunning examples of such isagain from the US media, when then-anchor of their CBS nightly newsprogramme, Walter Cronkite, met with Egyptian Prime Minister Sadatregarding Egypts relationship with Israel (Gilboa 2002, 739). In anattempt to force the Egyptian leader to clarify his position on Israel,Cronkite began a series of questions regarding whether Sadat wouldagree to make an official visit to Israel, and when. Much toCronkites surprise, Sadat stated he only need an official invitation,and eventually agreed that he could leave in response to such aninvitation in as little as a week (Gilboa 2002, 739). Cronkitereferred this information back to then-leader of Israel, Mr. Begin, whopromptly issued a formal invitation, and the historic visit wasarranged (Gilboa 2002, 739). Ted Koppel, also of the US press, later arranged a televised interviewbetween representatives of Israel and the Palestine LiberationOrganisation, the first meeting of the conflicting parties (Gilboa2002, 740). This represents an early case of a journalistintentionally becoming a non-state actor in foreign policy issues andusing the media for diplomatic purposes. Difficulties arise whenmembers of the media become diplomatic actors, however. On one hand,this may put them in an ethical dilemma, where they must actually notreport a story in order to continue to act as an information conduit,or go ahead and report the story, thereby destroying their credibilitywith the groups using them and possibly negatively effecting a globalsituation (Gilboa 2002, 740). When media representatives attempt topursue such courses on their own, they risk undermining the activitiesof legitimate diplomatic personnel, and can sidetrack or destroy a lineof negotiation through ignoranc e or lack of decorum rega rding asituation (Gilboa 2002, 740). 2d.Diplomacy and Foreign Policys Affect on the Media In addition to intentional use of the media as a tool in diplomacy andforeign policy, various decisions and practises in the two areas have areciprocal effect on the media itself. Use of the media, as describedabove, has changed in many ways the reporters do business. Byproviding limited access to only a few select media representatives andshutting out the competition, a government can influence the storiesthat those select media representatives will report, giving them ascoop on their rivals and increasing their potential viewer orreadership (Ramsay 2001, 323). Most Foreign Offices now have entiredepartments devoted to affecting the media, to cultivate the mediaboth metropolitan and provincial, to put forth the official views andopinions it wants the public to have, and to detect which way themedia opinion is running as this affects the other two areas (Ramsay2001, 324). While diplomacy seeks to defuse and contain situations, avoidingconflict and even sometimes negotiation where possible, the aim of thenews media is to reveal or exploit such situations (Ramsay 2001, 324).As such, diplomats do have the opportunity to promote certain foreignpolicy initiatives for the media to chase, and when done well caneffectively influence the medias story and coverage choices. Ramsay(2002, 325) notes, however, it is manifestly not the medias fault ifpoliticians decide to play the gallery and treat commentators and thepublic as their confidantes. Politicians are aware of the effect oftheir actions on the media, and are therefore responsible for theresults of their actions on media response. In some situations thegovernment will even officially limit or control the media or mediacoverage of a given situation, such as in the case of militarymanoeuvres or war. Foreign diplomacy, negotiation and communication amongst the diplomaticcorps, as discussed above, were built on long-term relationships.Often it was whom one knew and the relationship between parties thatpaved the way for successful discussion and decision (Ramsay 2001,323). Diplomats were even likely to marry from within the diplomaticcommunity in the cities where they were permanently dispatched (Ramsay2001, 324). With the introduction of professional journalists, manymembers of the news media began to develop similar relationships withthe officials and representatives they covered. As these friendshipsand relationships developed, they posed both an ethical dilemma forboth sides and a mirroring of the type of communication exchange commonformerly only between members of the diplomatic community (Ramsay 2001,324). For example, a certain diplomat might provide exclusiveinformation to a member of the media, who would then provide reciprocalexclusiv e information back to the diplomat. In some cases, particularly trusted members of the media were evenpurposefully used as conduits where exclusive or secreted informationcould be exchanged between non-communicative parties, particularly inwar or conflict situations. Gilboa (2001, 19) contends an experiencedjournalist, who enjoys the trust of high-level politicians orofficials, best knows how to protect secret negotiations from hiscolleagues; he or she may have just as great an understanding of theintricacies of negotiations as professional diplomats, and can executea diplomatic mission effectively (Gilboa 2001, 20). One of the mostdramatic incidences of such diplomatic participation by a journalistoccurred in the United States during the Cuban Missile Crisis in the1960s. The Soviets wanted to make a proposal to end the crisis, butwere concerned about losing face should the proposal be rejected. JohnScali, of the USs ABC News, was well-known as an accura te andprofessional reporter with strong relationships to those wi thin the USgovernment. The Soviets asked Scali to pass their proposal on to USofficials, which he did (Gilboa 2001, 20). He was then asked byPresident Kennedy to continue in his undercover mediating role, whichhe did. In this type of case, the foreign affairs directly influence the mediarepresentatives, as Scali was constrained by the diplomacy in which hewas taking part and unable to report matters as perhaps he would haveliked. As a media representative, he in turn took on the traditionalrole of diplomatic envoy, carrying information back and forth betweenprincipals in the hope of achieving resolution (Gilboa 2001, 20). This dissertation seeks to consider the effect of the media ondiplomacy and foreign affairs. Whilst previous research has oftendealt with conflict frames, and the impact of the media on conflictsituations, this study will consider the impact from an economicconsequence frame, with the understanding that if the media does indeedact as a constraining actor and agenda-setter, this should be true inthe coverage of issues framed in economic consequence as well asconflict. Two specific situations, the adoption of the euro by theUnited Kingdom and the UKs role within the EU, were chosen as topicsof consideration. In preliminary research, there emerged threedistinct involvements of the media in the UKs stance on the euro andthe EU, and each will be considered. First, those opposed to the adoption of the euro and greaterparticipation in the EU, primarily groups within the UK, attempted touse the media to solidify public support in their camp, and putpressure on the government both to postpone a referendum on thecurrency and to draw back in its foreign policies aimed at greaterincorporation of the UK into the EU. In turn, members of the EuropeanUnion and Eurosupporters within the British commonwealth sought to usethe media to encourage public support of the single currency in theUK. This public support was intended to then be leveraged by thegovernment to allow greater EU participation on the part of Britain andan eventual referendum on adoption of the euro. Various representatives of EU countries have also been publiclysupportive of decisions by the Blair administration that support theadoption of the euro and greater incorporation of the UK into the EU.Finally, the UK government itself also used the media to explain thecountrys slow and/or lack of support for the euro and the EU to otherEuropean nations, and to frame the UKs decisions in the most positiveand acceptable light to these other countries. It is not possible in the scope of this research to consider all usesof the media by these various groups, or the holistic impact of themedia on such a complex issue. Rather, this research seeks to firstdocument a relationship between diplomacy and foreign policy on theeuro and EU and the British and European medias, if they exist, and toprovide representative examples supporting these findings, where theyoccur. Examination of the use of media on both sides of the euro adoption,both as a domestic policy in the UK and as part of Britains foreigndiplomacy with Europe, reveals a significant media role. The media hasbeen a strong anti-euro, anti-EU actor in British domestic and foreignpolicy. For example, Christopher Booker, Telegraph columnist, has beena long-term opponent of the European Union, mainly due to what he seesas a negative impact on British business concerns. The EuropeanCommission and the Council of Ministers churn out the ever-swellingtorrent of directives and regulations and manage to conceal what itis really up to (Bilefsky 1998, 26). Use of the media by thoseagainst the euro and greater UK participation in the EU ledrepresentatives of Europe to begin to use the British and Europeanmedias to try to influence public opinion and government decisions.It was above all Bookers work, amplified more garishly in thecolumns of the Sun, that drove the European Commission to set up aspecia l response unit in Brussels to combat Euro-myths in the Britishpress (Bilefsky 1998, 27). The anti-euro, anti-EU camp has long heldsway in public opinion. Over forty national public opinion polls havebeen held regarding the acceptance of the euro in the past decade, andall have consistently returned public support of the single currency atless than thirty percent, with disapproval at sixty percent or above(Mullen and Burkitt 2003, 324). There is also evidence of pro-euro and pro-EU supporters using themedia to influence foreign policy and diplomatic relations betweenEurope and the UK. Specifically, various interest groups continue tobring the euro and EU to the forefront of British news, evidencing therole of the media in the situation, particularly in attempting togenerate public support. This public support was intended to then beleveraged by the government to allow greater EU participation on thepart of Britain and an eventual referendum on adoption of the euro. Inone example, Browne (2005, 15) describes how the European Commissionhas spent hundreds of thousands of pounds, which were not to be usedfor EU and euro promotion, on a pro-constitution propaganda campaignin the UK. This promotional programme was undertaken despite of theBritish Governments promise that no European public money would bespent in the campaign for the euro referendum in Britain (Browne 2005,15). rThe Times investigated the scheme, revealing that the EuropeanCommission, over a period of a year, had been busy funding seminars,leafleting campaigns, theatre activities, and television spotsthroughout the country as part of an educational programme. The purposeof the programme was to provide various organisations such as schools,libraries, think-tanks, and local government groups with information onEurope and the euro (Browne 2005, 15). Michael Ancram, Shadow ForeignSecretary, said The fact that hundreds of thousands of pounds havealready been spent by the European Commission to promote theconstitution belies the Governments claim that not a single pennywill be spent by them on pro-constitution propaganda If Labour aresincere about making the referendum debate a fair one, they must getthe Commission to pledge that they will spend no more hard-workingtaxpayers money on one-sided publicity for a document most Britishpeople oppose (Browne 200 5, 15). Various representatives of EU countries have also been publiclysupportive of decisions by the Blair administration that support theadoption of the euro and greater incorporation of the UK into the EU.Jacques Chirac and Gerhard Schroeder both gave positive assessments ofMr. Blairs efforts to move the British towards referendum and eventualadoption of the euro (BBC 2002). Overwhelmingly, European pressreports presented in Britain at the launch of the euro enthusiasticallysupported both the currency and the EU. German press reported thefeeling of European identity to which the euro contributes may evenpromote a culture of stability in Europe, while in Hamburg it wasanticipated The euro will build bridges and open doors such as thosesymbolically depicted on its bank notes. (BBC 2002). The French citeda smooth transition while the Spanish press hailed the euro as ahistoric step in the building of Europe which shows that the dream ofgreate r integration is becoming a reality (BBC 2002). Fr om Athensto Helsinki, from Lisbon to Berlin, writes the French Le Monde, theEuropeans have welcomed the euro with child-like exuberance. (BBC2002). It was hoped by some in Brussels and the rest of Europe thatsuch reporting, combined with a successful euro, would encourageholdouts Denmark, Sweden, and Britain to join the currency. However, the media in the UK did not cooperate, maintaining itsprimarily cautious stance on both the euro and UK participation in theEU. The BBC reports that in London, the Times does not seemparticularly concerned that Britain has missed the birth of the euro.Prime Minister Tony Blair can wield influence as Mr. Britain more thanMr. Europe, the paper believes, noting his many travels andinteractions in foreign affairs (BBC 2002). This standing hasnothing to do with Britain being a component part of a European Unionentity, the paper points out, but rather with the links of history,culture, language, trade and immigration (BBC 2002). So those whoargue today that the arrival of the euro underlines the urgency ofBritain joining in if it is not to be sidelined miss the point, thepaper believes. Researchers examining Sweden in particular and Europe as a wholeconcluded reports concentrating on the national economic consequencesof the EU for monetary union was an important theme in news coverage ofthe economy, and that economic concerns dominated news media coveragein general (Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter 2000, 129). Similar researchfound that press released by economic players, including majorEuropean finance houses, were a central element in economic news inBritain, and that economic stories also received a significant aboutof coverage (Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter 2000, 129). Foreign policyand stories regarding Europe averaged six per cent of Britishtelevision news coverage during 1998 (Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter2000, 130). Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter (2000, 133), contrasting thedifference in coverage of the euro in Germany and Britain, noted thatBritish coverage was much more negative and reserved, mirroring publicconcerns regarding the currency. However, it appeare d that theeducative role of the British news was especially tailored towardreinforcing (or at least not challenging) the governments and thecountrys official position on the euro, and people were advised totake a wait and see approach before opening bank accounts in euros orbuying a home with a euro mortgage (Semetko, de Vreese, and Peter2000, 134). de Vreese, Peter and Semetko (2001) reviewed coverage of the launch ofthe euro in Britain, Germany, Denmark and the Netherlands. They foundjournalists in all countries were more likely to emphasize conflictrather than economic consequences in framing general political andeconomic news (de Vreese, Peter and Semetko 2001, 107). That is,conflict over the euro, such as what occurs when the government andpublic opinion disagree, sells more papers and brings in moretelevision viewers than does consensus on the issue. In Britain andDenmark, the debates about the euros launch lacked the quality ofconflict because the existence of the euro had already become areality, instead discussions centred on the question of what it wouldmean to not belong to the new euroland, a subject of greaterdisagreement (de Vreese, Peter and Semetko 2001, 118). The emphasiswas on concern over the potential importance of the euro and the U.S.dollar, while journalists speculated that the once mighty British poundmi ght be perceived as less of a world player in the same way that theolder generation may have lamented the decline of the British empire(de Vreese, Peter and Semetko 2001, 118). The government realises that the media sales and viewership of thoseoutlets opposing the euro are far greater than those of media sourcessupporting the currency, and that public evaluation from these outletscould significantly influence elections (Mullen and Burkitt 2003,331). In studying and analysing over 4,000 news reports before, duringand after the failed Euro referendum in Denmark, researchers concludedthat strongly negative news about an issue that was also highlyvisible in the news bolstered negative evaluations of politicalleaders (de Vreese 2004, 59). Previous studies of voting behaviourin national referendums suggest that a popular government can win thevote whereas an unpopular government is more likely to lose (de Vreese2004, 60). The influence of the news media has strong effect onreferendum results. Finally, the UK government itself also used the media to explain thecountrys slow and/or lack of support for the euro and the EU to otherEuropean nations, and to frame the UKs decisions in the most positiveand acceptable light to these other countries. Diplomatically, thereluctance of the UK to commit to the EU and accept the euro have ledto it being excluded from some discussions and negotiations (Mullen andBurkitt 2003, 330). With the end of the Cold War, Europe is not asresponsive to wider interests as it once was, preferring to focus onEuropean issues (Ramsay 2001, 325). Diplomatically, technology hasopened much more rapid lines of communication between European players,decreasing response time regarding negotiations, whilst concentrationof European governance in Brussels is rapidly shifting the centre ofpower in Europe to that city (BBC 2003a). European players areincreasingly implying that should Britain continue to avoid adoption ofthe euro or a more active role in the EU, Eur ope is quite ready to goon without the UK (BBC 2003b). In this regard, some aspects of the British media are working againstdiplomatic negotiations regarding the euro, whilst some aresupportive. The Blair administration, in the meanwhile, continues touse the media to reinforce the eventual intention of the UK to adoptthe euro, and by doing so reassures both other European administrationsand their publics. For example, had Mr. Blair used traditional,less-public means for his 2003 discussion with Mr. Chirac of France,only political insiders would have been aware of the friendly dialoguebetween the two, particularly if the story was not picked up by Britishmedia opposed to the euro. As it was, the two leaders held a pressconference, virtually assuring media coverage of the issue in the waythey intended. Mr. Chirac was appropriately respectful of the UKsdecision to wait on the currency, stating We would like England tojoin the euro, but of course we have no intention of pushing it (BBC2003b). Mr Blair further used the media to let both the E uropeanpublics and their respective governments of his intentions, that, forEngland, this is not a refusal to join the euro but a decision to waitfor changes, notably economic ones, that will let it do so in a morenatural and efficient way (BBC 2003b). Both men used the media as achannel of diplomatic communication, and in doing so impacted therelationship between the two countries. With such huge question marks hanging over perhaps the biggestpolitical decision of this generation, every possible hint about euromembership is minutely dissected by journalists and analysts (BBC2005). This allowed various camps and opinions to be brought into theeuro debate, and kept the issues in the forefront of the publicsminds. It also caused a number of parties inside and outside the UK touse British and European media sources to attempt to influence thepubic opinion. RECOMMENDATIONS Obviously, there is significantly more opportunity for study andconsideration of the media, its impact on modern diplomacy and foreignpolicy, and its role on the world stage. Whilst a number of studieshave considered the role of the media in involving and constrainingforeign policy actions of theirs and others governments regardingcrisis and/or conflict situations, if the media is truly a non-stateplayer in international relations and negotiations, its impact shouldbe discernable across a variety of issues, including culture,non-conflict politics, and economics. A wider research considerationof the role of the media in the relationships between countriesregarding these issues is indicated, as well as further study of theimpact of the media on its own constituents, and the power or lackthereof of the CNN Effect on policy generation, adaptation, anddiplomatic relations. Study of the impact of general diplomaticpractise on the media and how i t does business is another area ofconsiderat ion. A further recommendation regards the education of the public into thepower and role of the media. Whilst it is unlikely the media wouldpromote such information on its own, an informed electorate should beaware of the constraining and framing functions the media currentlyprovides in our world, in addition, to the detrimental long-termimpacts that have begun to be documented regarding the rapid changes infocus and funding caused by media fickleness in regards to coveringglobal issues. CONCLUSION In conclusion, the global media, particularly channels with worldwidereach such as CNN and the BBC, have become a non-state actor in thecreation of foreign policy and the ongoing diplomatic communication andnegotiations between nation-states. Governments and diplomaticpersonnel are aware and use the media as part of their communicationand negotiation strategies, in turn the media uses them to create andsell stories and information for profit. The growing influence of themedia has caused significant changes in the timing and methods withwhich diplomacy is carried out. In some cases this can be seen aspositive, with governments being encouraged to address issues aroundthe world and being held accountable for their actions within thediplomatic community. On the other hand, media involvement has led toa reduction in quiet diplomacy, which is contended to be the mosteffect way to avoid or resolve disagreement in many situations.Overall, the power of the media should not be discounted, and providesample opportunity for further consideration and study.